Authors: Prapti Das; Diya Jain; Aditi Shree
ABSTRACT
Indian diaspora restaurants increasingly serve as unrecognised informal venues of cultural diplomacy, mediating the world’s perceptions of India at the level of daily culinary practice. The existing literature has viewed these sites mostly through perspectives on soft power, identity formation, and cultural representation in terms of the symbolic and affective impacts they exert within host societies. Drawing from international relations, food studies, and diaspora scholarship, this paper places overseas Indian restaurants as decentralised informal soft power actors outside of any framework controlled by the state. While their cultural and representative roles have been copiously documented otherwise; it is rather inadequately theorised and even more poorly empirically demonstrated how economic dimensions underlie their diplomatic salience. This paper highlights the fact that there has been no systematic analysis of the economic impact of diaspora restaurants. It puts forth the argument that while discussing culinary soft power and attempting to foreground, or bring into consideration, the material conditions that sustain it, one must regard economic viability not as incidental but rather as integral to the endurance and reach of informal diplomacy. This paper is another addition to the debate around soft power in its call for bringing cultural influence back into an integrated political economy approach with economic structures as a way of providing a fuller account of how diaspora kitchens participate in global diplomatic processes.
KEYWORDS
Gastrodiplomacy, Indian Diaspora, Soft Power, Informal Diplomacy, Culinary Political Economy, Diaspora Restaurants, Cultural Diplomacy, Everyday Diplomacy
INTRODUCTION
The conceptualization of soft-power in the twenty-first century has increasingly moved away from the traditional state-led broadcast media and towards more visceral, sensory, and decentralized forms of cultural attraction. Among these, gastrodiplomacy has emerged as a foundational pillar of public diplomacy and the kitchen is, to many, a site of power and foreign policy. It is, however, not a new venue of international relations. Since ancient Greeks and Romans, food and commensality have functioned as instruments of international ordering. It was in the symposium, a gathering of foreign hosts of states (proxenoi) over shared wine and food, that alliances and hierarchies were formed and hospitality (xenia) carried diplomatic weight. The culinary has therefore long prevailed as an informal site of power and influence.
Contemporary scholars have thus sought to define gastrodiplomacy as a distinct subset of political and cultural diplomacy. The term was first systematically theorized by Paul S. Rockower, who defined gastrodiplomacy as “the use of food and cuisine as an instrument to create cross-cultural understanding in the hopes of improving interactions and cooperation between states.” In his conceptualization, Rockower situates gastrodiplomacy within Joseph Nye’s broader framework of soft power where the ability to attract and persuade and resonate is of more eminence than the ability to coerce. Nye and his conceptualization of soft power, in his seminal work “Soft Power: The Means To Success In World Politics,” is akin to the traditional practice of mana amongst the Maoris. A Maori chief’s authority (mana) is only diminished or augmented through wartime humiliation but increased through displays of power, marriages and feasts.
Public diplomacy scholars such as Nicholas J. Cull, situates gastrodiplomacy within this broader shift towards soft power and writes that; food is effective precisely because of its appeal and ability to embody experience, affect and everyday intimacy and byspasses mere ideologies. Consequently, gastrodiplomacy operates not only through embassies and state-sponsored campaigns, such as Thailand “Global Thai” program or South Korea’s promotion of hansik , but also through quotidian and dispersed sites such as restaurants, homes, community kitchens and food festivals. Migrants and diasporic communities living beyond borders thus become foreign policy ambassadors.
Indian diaspora kitchens, today more than ever, find a spot within this expanding field of gastrodiplomacy and remain the locus of this paper. One of the world’s largest, most diverse and dispersed diasporas, Indians have long facilitated the global circulation of food practices- from British curry houses to South Indian vegetarian eateries across North America and the Gulf.
These kitchens do not merely function as commercial ventures but as micro-sites of power and influence in host societies. A potent example of this is the narrative of vegetarianism and Ayurveda which has now found global appeal. Beyond narratives, these kitchens also represent three core claims in international relations that this paper seeks to address:
a. that gastrodiplomacy must be analytically expanded beyond state-led initiatives to include everyday diasporic practices.
b. that kitchens constitute historically grounded yet under-theorized venues of international relations.
c. and, that the Indian diaspora’s culinary presence abroad represents a critical, if overlooked, dimension of India’s twenty-first-century soft power.
METHODOLOGY
This paper adopts a qualitative, interpretive research design to examine Indian diaspora kitchens as informal power sites within the framework of gastrodiplomacy and soft power. Methodologically, it draws on secondary research and case study methods.
First, the study undertakes a close reading of key theoretical literatures on soft power, public diplomacy, and gastrodiplomacy to situate diaspora kitchens within broader debates in International Relations and cultural politics. Secondly, the paper employs illustrative case studies of Indian diaspora kitchens across select host contexts- primarily the United Kingdom, North America, and the Gulf- to capture variation in historical trajectories, migrant composition, and culinary representation.
These findings are analysed using cases and secondary sources, including existing ethnographies, policy documents, media narratives, restaurant archives, and diaspora histories.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Joseph Nye, in his book “Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics”, serves to initiate discussion of culture as an alternative non-coercive power source. Therefore, Nye defines “soft power” as the ability of a given nation to gain legitimacy through cultural means rather than military means from other nations. Building on Nye’s concept of soft power, Rockower’s article “Recipes for Gastrodiplomacy” discusses how food serves as an ideal medium by which nations conduct diplomacy because food conveys sensory information both quickly and directly. While Rockower primarily explores State-based culinary diplomacy, his work raises additional questions concerning the role of non-state actors, such as diaspora communities. In fact, diaspora communities create informal or decentralized spaces for soft power.
In his 1988 piece, “How to Make a National Cuisine”, Appadurai reconceptualizes food as a product of modernity that results from ongoing exchanges between human beings and their food sources around the world. Additionally, Appadurai’s larger work, “Modernity at Large”, elucidates the ways in which Indian restaurants are influenced by these vast cultural exchanges and helps to illustrate how food is used to imagine and create national identities.
In 2016, Krishnendu Ray published a book documenting the ability of Indian restaurants within the USA to modify the foods they offer within the USA to satisfy the demands of dominant racial and socioeconomic groups. Ray states that the manner in which many restaurants are perceived to be using “inauthentic” food is what allows them to gain entry into everyday consumer patterns, thereby enabling them to enter into the fabric of everyday life in the USA while simultaneously enabling them to create a bridge for the continued influence of Indian culture on American Society through repeated interactions with patrons without overtly messaging Indian culture.
In her article, “Eating the Other: Indian Restaurants and Multicultural Belonging in Australia,” published in 2018, Madhurima Banerjee views the diasporic Indian restaurants in Australia as the medium for providing everyday multicultural experiences. Lisa Heldke’s “Exotic Appetites” (2003) looks at the limits of “culinary” soft power in relation to eating “ethnic food.” Heldke describes how eating “ethnic food” can potentially reproduce existing power relationships; she applies this to Indian restaurants and notes that the Indian experience offered through restaurants necessarily suffers from a lack of depth, as consumers can experience it without being immersed in the complexities of Indian culture. This perspective is qualified by the work of Tulasi Srinivas, whose “Winged Faith” (2010) emphasises the emotional/ritual components of food and argues that everyday consumption of food in and of itself can produce emotional experiences beyond simple voyeurism.
Ritu Gooptu’s “From Hooligans to Entrepreneurs” (2004) gives an account of the development of Indian restaurants in Britain from a historical/postcolonial perspective and contextualises them within a continuum of racial exclusion and socio-economic marginalisation. Gooptu’s thesis is that the emergence of these spaces was initially a response to the need for survival (i.e., making a living through cooking) and subsequently an assertion of cultural identity.
Homi Bhabha’s “The Location of Culture” (1994) provides a theoretical framework for the concept of “culinary hybridity” as a productive “third space,” rather than as a loss of culture. By building upon Bhabha, Anita Mannur argues in Culinary Fictions (2010), that the hybrid Indian foods found in the UK/i.eedaration are evidence of culture.
In their book “Curried Cultures” (2012), authors Krishnendu Ray and Tulasi Srinivas investigate the impact that different forms of media have on how food is viewed as cultural capital. They detail how the representation of Indian cuisine through this variety of writing creates familiarity with the food of India which in turn creates a base level of political support between the host country and India.
David Wright presents a critical viewpoint regarding this topic in his 2020 publication, “The Limits of Culinary Soft Power”. He warns against assuming that culinary attraction directly translates to political empathy. In fact, he shows that it is possible to enjoy Indian food and have xenophobic views toward immigrant populations. Additionally, in “In the Meantime”, Sarah Sharma (2014) discusses the precarity of labour and conditions in the service industry, therefore reminding scholars that soft power is often created within a structure of great economic inequality.
As a whole, the above literature positions Indian Restaurants owned by members of the diaspora as informal yet complex sites of cultural diplomacy where the intersections between culture, identity, and power become apparent. Although their influence is indirect and dependent upon outside conditions, these kitchens are part of a multitude of everyday infra-structural soft power shaping people’s perception of India via habit, affect, and sensory familiarity instead of through government or state agency.
RESEARCH GAP
Researchers have studied culinary diplomacy and diaspora studies and soft power, but they have not yet investigated how Indian diaspora restaurants serve as informal diplomatic spaces through their economic operations. The existing literature has established multiple pathways through which food enables the display of cultural elements and creates national identities while producing emotional effects and constructing public perceptions. The economic effects that these establishments create in host economies, and the Indian soft power ecosystem remain inadequately studied and researched material.
Academic research about Indian dining establishments identifies their role as cultural venues, which only mentions their economic operations in passing. Researchers have not conducted comprehensive studies to examine how revenue generation, employment creation, supply-chain linkages, and transnational remittances affect cultural impact. Economic success produces soft power results that remain unclear because experts have not determined whether financial visibility helps diplomatic missions or keeps cultural activities going without extending political influence.
The informal and disjointed structure of diaspora food businesses makes it difficult to evaluate their operations, which prevents researchers from gathering data needed to compare different areas and immigrant communities. States that want to use diaspora entrepreneurship for their public diplomacy efforts will find this uncertainty to be a major obstacle for them. Researchers need to study the connection between economic success and soft power because this relationship needs further investigation through political economy, cultural studies, and migration economics.
ANALYSIS
Gastrodiplomacy :
It refers to culinary soft power, to an edible form of nation branding, and to a meaningful method of cross-cultural engagement through food. Simply put, gastrodiplomacy allows states to use their traditional foods to market their country while simultaneously promoting cooperation with other nations.[11]
It includes government-to-public efforts like restaurant promotions abroad, distinct from elite diplomatic dinners or grassroots social gastronomy. Countries such as South Korea, Peru, and Japan actively employ it to attract tourists and strengthen alliances.[11]
In India- Food is an integral part of our cultural philosophy since it comprehensively reflects the essence and experience of life. Food in our culture is never merely a material substance of ingestion, not just a transactional commodity. [13]
This diplomatic is increasingly being adopted by government of India, to showcase cultural heritage and to increase India’s diplomatic position- India highlighted millet-based vegetarian dishes at the 2023 G20 Summit in New Delhi, serving leaders items like Kerala jackfruit galette and saffron lotus stem rice to emphasize sustainability and nutrition. Embassies worldwide host food festivals featuring regional specialties to foster bilateral ties and introduce global audiences to India’s culinary variety.[12]
Food Economics :
Food is an indispensable part of our lives. We require it to stay alive, to make connections, and also to earn money. The food business is one of the major sources of revenue and one of the biggest drivers of growth in a consumer-based economy.
Food directly indirectly provides employment to multiple people in various industries- agriculture, processing, packaging, restauranters, fast-food workers, delivery agents etc.
Food processing alone accounts for 7-8% of manufacturing GVA, with steady growth at 7-8% annually, fueled by rising incomes, urbanization, and policies like “Make in India”. Agriculture underpins 15-18% of GDP, making the sector resilient against shocks while supporting manufacturing and services [14]
Restaurants, fast-food chains, endless street food hawkers, are contributing to GDP growth. Swiggy and Zomato have become multi-billion dollar food-delivering agents. Food has the ability to stabilize even international relations.
Diaspora
England’s national dish is Butter Chicken, an American trying vindaloo, pani-puri stall in Japan. The Internet’s filled with such stories- Indian food which is even featured on your new times list, is gaining momentum and appreciation from around the world. This not only leads to appreciation for Indian cuisine but also, it enjoys a diplomatic advantage.
India has the largest diaspora in the world, according to the World Migration Report, 2022.
Read the Table Chart – Click Here
While it is only 2% of India’s population, the total wealth of this community has been estimated at c. India has topped global remittances for over 25 years since the information technology boom in the 1990s and has consequently received over Rs. 8,56,700 crore (US$ 100 billion) for the fourth year in a row in FY25. [1] , India topped the global remittance charts with $125 billion in remittances, which accounted for 3.4% of India’s GDP (India News Network, 2023).
Read the Table Chart – Click Here
While Indian diaspora extensively contribute to things like Start-up funding, real-estate (18-20%), according to Mr. Akshat Shrivastava, CEO of Wisdom Hatch, equities and debt ( In May 2025, Foreign Portfolio investors (FPI) infused Rs. 19,860 crore (US$ 2.31 billion) and philanthropy ( India Giving Day, a philanthropy event organised in the United States, raised Rs. 76 crore (US$ 8.86 million) in 2025 ). [1]
But their presence also contributes to the soft-power, the international standing of India, is influenced by the diaspora.
The diaspora also plays a crucial role in cultural diplomacy. In countries like the U.S., U.K., and Canada, Indian-origin communities actively promote India’s cultural heritage through festivals like Diwali, Bollywood films, yoga, and Indian cuisine. [2]
Indian cuisine is another pillar of India’s cultural diplomacy. With its rich diversity of flavors and regional variations, Indian food has become a global favorite. Indian restaurants are found in major cities worldwide, and Indian spices are sought after in global markets. These cultural exports create an image of India as a culturally rich and diverse nation, contributing to its soft power appeal (Hurn, 2016).
This has strengthened India’s Economic and political landscape. With cities like Bengaluru becoming global hubs for software development. [2], Yoga, Buddhism, being the largest democracy, and the influentiality of Indian CEOs around the world have all been instrumental to amplify India’s growing networks in multilateral and bilateral relations. [2]
The Indian Restaurants
Over 10,000 Indian restaurants operate in the UK, 9,000+ in the US (up 0.89% recently), 5,000 in Japan, and 3,600 in Australia, reflecting steady expansion fueled by mainstream appeal.[4] Culinary diplomacy initiatives from international food festivals and diaspora-driven pop-ups to state-The Indian food industry in Britain is worth around £3.2 billion, making it more than two thirds of the food industry in Britain and employing over 60,000 people. [5] Events like food festivals that draw 5,000+ monthly visitors per awarded site under schemes like Annapurna. [6]
Profitability Factors
Overseas outlets achieve 3-4 times higher sales and 50% better margins than domestic ones, driven by higher average checks and purchasing power. RJ Corp-owned Devyani International and Barbeque Nation Hospitality are accelerating overseas expansion in the US, Dubai, London and Singapore. The reasons are attractive growth options, ease of doing business. [7].
Employment
Indian restaurants usually serve up as an outlet to hire unskilled, semi-skilled labour from India and also to people of that country. High labor costs abroad (35-40% of revenue vs. 12% in India) push chains to train locals or import talent strategically, yet a 35-40% yearly rise in mandates signals robust growth. Diaspora networks facilitate recruitment, blending cultural authenticity with local employment to sustain operations [9]
UAE, Saudi Arabia, Singapore and the Maldives to Kenya, Nairobi, Japan, even Macedonia -premium and luxury hotel chains, business and leisure resorts, QSR chains, cruise liners, airline lounges, wellness retreats, large facility management companies and private estate owners are rapidly onboarding Indian professionals across levels.[8]
Kitchens/restaurants as a beacon to shape perceptions of India
The “Festival of India” was held in the US in the 1980s. It also helped to foster relationships with the US and promote cross-cultural understanding, which was important for India’s diplomatic efforts [19]
Gandhi Katha tour, a cultural and educational tour of the United States and Canada in 2013, which focused on the life and teachings of Mahatma Gandhi. While the tour did not specifically promote vegetarianism, it did highlight Gandhi’s advocacy for vegetarianism as a way of promoting non-violence and respect for all living beings. The tour has helped to create awareness and interest in vegetarianism among the audiences who attended [19]
World Food India provides a platform for Indian food companies to showcase their products to a global audience and expand their reach. World Food India is a biennial event organized by the Indian government to showcase the country’s food and beverage industry. The event attracts global food companies, investors, and entrepreneurs to explore business opportunities in the Indian food market Chefs like Vikas Khanna, Gaggan Anand, and Atul Kochhar have won international recognition and accolades for their contributions to the global culinary scene. They have also introduced fusion cuisine by combining Indian flavours with local ingredients, to create unique dishes that appeal to global palates. Taste of India food festival that was held in London, UK in 2003. The event was organized by the Indian High Commission in London and provides financial support and logistical assistance to Indian restaurants participating in the culinary carnival. The festival featured a range of Indian dishes from different regions of the country, including vegetarian and non-vegetarian options.
The festival was a huge success, attracting thousands of visitors and generating positive media coverage. By promoting Indian cuisine and culture in this way, the festival helped to enhance India’s soft power by showcasing the country’s rich cultural heritage and culinary diversity to a global audience. It also helped to foster relationships with the UK and cross-cultural understanding. [19]
PACKAGED FOOD INDUSTRY ( INDIAN SNACKS)
The packaged Indian snacks industry abroad, featuring brands like Haldiram’s and Bikanervala (Bikaneri), has grown into a multi-billion-dollar segment targeting diaspora communities and mainstream consumers through frozen foods, namkeens, sweets, and ready-to-eat items. Exports constitute about 10% of these brands’ total revenues, with Haldiram’s alone shipping to over 100 countries and generating roughly $150-200 million annually from international sales amid a global savory snacks market craving ethnic flavors.[9]
Global sales of Indian-centric packaged snacks reached approximately $1-1.5 billion in 2025, driven by a 15-20% CAGR fueled by e-commerce and retail chains like Costco and Tesco stocking Haldiram’s bhujia, aloo bhujia, and frozen curries. Bikanervala contributes through its Bikano line, with combined diaspora-focused exports from top players hitting $500 million yearly, particularly in the US, UK, UAE, and Canada where 80% of volume originates.
CASE-STUDY
Indian food has deeply integrated into UK culture through centuries of colonial exchange, post-war immigration, and adaptations like chicken tikka masala, often called a national dish. This fusion supports UK-India relations by fostering cultural affinity, economic ties, and soft diplomacy. Over 9,000 Indian restaurants operate in the UK as of 2025, employing around 100,000 people and generating billions in revenue. [15] Queen Victoria’s fondness for Indian dishes boosted its popularity among the elite. Post-WWII immigration from South Asia led to thousands of curry houses adapting recipes for British tastes [15]
CHICKEN TIKKA MASALA
Chicken tikka masala exemplifies integration, declared a “true British national dish” by a UK foreign secretary in 2001 for symbolizing multicultural adaptation. Indian food ranks as the UK’s most popular cuisine, outpacing Italian and American.
This has embedded South Asian flavors into everyday British eating, from takeaways to high-end dining.
The dish is extremely popular in the UK and is ordered in high volumes by the British, alongside other popular British foods like fish and chips and Yorkshire puddings.[16]
The British colonial era cultivated a lasting taste for Indian flavours, which has been further enriched by the city’s large Indian community bringing authentic dishes to the dining scene. The popularity of spicy, diverse cuisine appeals to a broad audience, while affordable pricing makes Indian meals accessible to all. Additionally, culinary innovation, including fusion dishes and modern adaptations, ensures Indian restaurants remain dynamic and relevant in London’s competitive food landscape.[17]
DIPLOMACY
Chicken being the national dish of the UK, highlights the intricate connectedness of the two nations. Away from our colonial past, this shared food- journey boosts trade-partnerships. It plays a vital role in britishers to accept people of India diaspora and contributes towards anti-racism.
Free Trade Agreement (FTA) signed in July 2025. Bilateral trade is projected to rise by £25.5 billion annually, with tariffs slashed on 90-99% of goods, boosting sectors like manufacturing and services. Defence cooperation has deepened through a 10-year Industrial Roadmap, missile deals, and joint exercises amid shared Indo-Pacific interests. [18]
Rishi Sunak becoming president of the UK happened only due to acceptance of the diaspora and that culinary heritage played a huge part. In India- Food is an integral part of our cultural philosophy since it comprehensively reflects the essence and experience of life. Food in our culture is never merely a material substance of ingestion, not just a transactional commodity. [13]
This diplomatic is increasingly being adopted by government of India, to showcase cultural heritage and to increase India’s diplomatic position- India highlighted millet-based vegetarian dishes at the 2023 G20 Summit in New Delhi, serving leaders items like Kerala jackfruit galette and saffron lotus stem rice to emphasize sustainability and nutrition. Embassies worldwide host food festivals featuring regional specialties to foster bilateral ties and introduce global audiences to India’s culinary variety.[12]
DISCUSSION
The paper finally demonstrates that Indian diaspora kitchens operate at the intersection of economy, culture and diplomacy. These sites of informal power challenge conventional understandings of soft power as a predominantly state-led enterprise. Rather than functioning merely as commercial food outlets, these kitchens emerge as everyday infrastructures of informal diplomacy.
First, the findings complicate the dominant gastrodiplomacy literature which has largely emphasized state-orchestrated culinary initiatives. While India’s official efforts- such as food diplomacy at the G20 Summit or embassy-led festivals- play a role in projecting national culture, the sustained and routinized influences of Indian cuisine abroad is overwhelmingly driven by diaspora-owned restaurants and food businesses.
Second, the economic success of Indian diaspora kitchens to be a precondition rather than a by- product of their soft power influence. High restaurant density, probability, and employment generation- particularly in countries such as the UK and the US- confer legitimacy and visibility on Indian cuisine. The case of chicken tikka masala illustrates this vividly. Its elevation as a “national dish” in the UK symbolizes not only culinary hybridity but also a broader social acceptance of the Indian diaspora.
At the same time, the paper highlights the important limits and contradictions of culinary soft power. As critics like Wright and Heldke caution, the popularity of Indian food does not automatically translate into political empathy or progressive attitudes towards migrants. The service-sector precarity documented in diaspora kitchens- marked by long working hours, labour exploitation, and racialized hierarchies- raises ethical questions about the foundations of soft power.
Further, the discussion highlights how diaspora kitchens mediate selective representations of “India.” Menus, branding, and festival narratives often foreground vegetarianism, spirituality, and regional diversity, aligning with global discourses on sustainability and wellness.
Crucially, the findings and their analysis suggest that diaspora kitchens contribute to foreign policy outcomes indirectly and cumulatively. Familiarity with Indian food fosters everyday comfort with Indian presence, which can reduce social distance, ease multicultural tensions, and normalize diaspora participation in public life. Not negating treaties, TRACK-1 diplomacy or their influence on formal decision-making, diaspora kitchens do, over time, create a complement of formal diplomatic relations. They therefore function as informal, decentralized, and economically grounded sites of soft power.
CONCLUSION
Diplomacy remains the vital glue binding nations in the 21st century. This paper has examined the culinary aspect of Indian diplomacy, demonstrating how gastrodiplomacy operates effectively on the global stage’s sidelines. We explored the interplay between food economics and gastrodiplomacy, alongside the Indian diaspora’s power in preserving cultural roots through restaurants and kitchens worldwide. These spaces not only anchor diaspora communities but also amplify India’s culinary heritage, drawing tourists and enhancing soft power. Government initiatives and the packaged food industry’s strides further bolster this legacy, positioning Indian cuisine as a dynamic tool for cultural and economic diplomacy.
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